“If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face—forever.” —George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty-Four
All arguments about the Rothschilds, etc., reduce to this: Jews are devious → their success is evidence of their deviousness → therefore Jews are devious. The formula’s circularity is obvious. The premise is smuggled in and represented as the conclusion. Keeping this in the realm of antisemitism, the success of other ethnic groups is not devious because other groups are not presupposed as devious. Readers should ask themselves: why are Jews singled out for opprobrium and not the myriad other groups that voice their interests in the public square? Antisemitism is a refuge of the simple-minded—and an instrument of those who would keep them so.
However, the formula has escaped the antisemitic realm. We see the same formula used to push the white supremacy trope: Whites are racist → their success relative to blacks (and others) is evidence of their racism → therefore, whites are racist. Antisemitism is the magic sauce that excuses envy and persecution of Jews. Its efficacy in obscuring power is proven by its persistence in space and time. Perhaps it was only a matter of crime before the downtrodden and resentful generalized the formula to cover all whites. At any rate, we’re in it now, and have been for some time (see Manufacturing Anti-White Bigotry: The Elasticity of an Ancient Hatred).

This is the essence of modern-day identitarianism. Identity politics is a reworking of class envy, transferring the antagonism from social class to race and ethnicity. While the class antagonism argument is not necessarily racist, the identitarian argument is by definition. This makes it especially dangerous. The target is no longer the class enemy. Selected racial and ethnic groups are the enemies.
To be sure, the rhetoric of class struggle still appears in left-wing circles, but not really in substance. If there is any substance there, it is tied to ethnic, racial, and religious identity. This makes the left-wing activism acceptable to corporate and financial power, which is why transnational elites bankroll the left (see Weaving America’s Destruction; “No Kings!” The Art of Turning Americans Against Their Country; Economic-Elite Domination and the 3.5 Percent Thesis to Get Us Back There).
National Socialism worked this way. The Nazis preserved the class structure by making Jews the source of German workers’ problems. Who were behind the Nazis? Financial and industrial power. Rejecting Marxism, which advanced a class-based politics, Hitler used ethnic socialism as a ruse to defang the worker movement. Capitalism was not the problem. Jews were the problem. And, for many, they still are.
This is the game transnational corporations are playing by funding the social justice movement. Corporate and financial power is not the problem. Whites are the problem. Western capitalist nations are flooded with racialized minorities to replace the native populations, i.e., white Europeans. And not just whites; in America, to make room for cheap foreign labor, those of black African descent are gathered into ghettos to live state-administered lives.
I have in the past resisted the argument that left-wing identiarianism is a species of neo-Marxism. I resisted this classification because left-wing identitarianism is contrary to Marx’s class-focused politics. Marx understood society primarily in terms of people’s relationship to the means of production—most importantly, the conflict between the bourgeoisie, that class that owns capital, and the proletariat, the class that sells its labor for survival (if capitalists find its labor useful).
Marx criticized political appeals that treated ethnic, racial, religious, or other identities as the fundamental source of social conflict for an obvious reason: such divisions obscure the underlying class relationship. In his view, capitalism encourages workers to identify with social groups rather than their class location and common material interests. In other words, manufacturing group division is a bourgeois strategy. Marx’s formulation “Workers of the world, unite!” expresses the idea that class solidarity should transcend those divisions.
This doesn’t mean Marx thought identity was nonexistent or irrelevant; rather, class position is fundamental to understanding capitalist dynamics. Identity is an elite tool to disorganize the proletariat and disrupt class consciousness. Hence today’s scene, where the working class stands on the sidelines while the sons and daughters of the middle class riot in the streets.
Marx was explicit about this. For instance, in 1864, Marx wrote a letter to Abraham Lincoln on behalf of the International Workingmen’s Association (the First International) arguing that overthrowing the slave system was a necessary step toward a more unified and emancipated working class. The abolition of slavery removed a fundamental division within American labor, that of racial caste. The American Revolution had inaugurated an era of middle-class ascendancy, he wrote. The Civil War would do the same for the working class.
Left-wing identitarianism obscures the underlying class relationship by treating ethnic, racial, religious, or other identities as the fundamental source of social conflict. Today’s left thus advances the bourgeois strategy of disorganizing the working class. At first blush, that puts today’s left outside Marxist politics. However, the modern left retains the logic of Marxism, namely the struggle of diametrically opposed groups, while recoding the antagonism in the identitarian language of “oppressor” versus “oppressed.” There are other species of neo-Marxism, but I am now persuaded to accept that left-wing identitarianism is one of them.
Moreover, in light of Marx’s advocacy of free trade as a means of impoverishing the working class to accelerate the momentum towards a communist society (see Marx the Accelerationist: Free Trade and the Radical Case for Protectionism), this species of neo-Marxism, enabled by transnationalism, can be rationalized by communists as a means to the same end Marx sought, thus making its claim to be a species of neo-Marxism stronger.
Not that I think most leftists today engage in rationalization. Rationalization requires some degree of intelligence. It is rather obvious that today’s leftists know not what they do. Academic and street-level left-wing rhetoric—a jumble of anarchist, communist, and postmodernist ideas— draws disordered personalities like flies to a decomposing corpse. How else are we to explain why a queer person marches with the Jihadists who would toss “her” from building tops if they ever get their hairy paws on power?
Tragedy awaits all of us in these developments. Today’s left forgets Marx and Engels’ warning in the Communist Manifesto that the revolutionary reconstitution of society may not lead to communism at all but instead to “the common ruin of the contending classes.” In that sense, however neo-Marxist today’s left might be, it is not really Marxism, since transnationalism’s goal is neither world capitalism nor world socialism but a global neofeudal order in which corporations become the new lords governing high-tech estates, on which the world proletariat, demoted to neoserfs, will be administered by self-righteous techocrats. That or a global caliphate. Either way, it will be a world of shit.















