Monday, I critiqued modern-day democratic socialism. With the rise of the Democratic Socialists in America, the public must consider whether liberalism and socialism are compatible. The coexistence of liberalism—freedoms of conscience, speech, publishing, and all the rest of it—and socialism depends on a worker-owned and controlled society in which the population is willing and able to defend liberal values. It was George Orwell’s desire to see such an arrangement. However, that its preconditions could exist is highly unlikely, to put it mildly. More likely is that such an arrangment is impossible.
First, as we can plainly see for ourselves, many people on the left today do not believe in liberal values. They don’t want individuals to have freedom of conscience, speech, and the like. They openly demand the imposition of ideology and speech rules. People with this attitude cannot be trusted with power. And there are too many of those types. As Erich Fromm told us in Escape from Freedom, the problem of authoritarianism is a perennial one. Even presuming that such persons are lawfully elected to these positions, the problem of the tyranny of the majority looms. The majority may be of the sort that rejects liberal freedoms, and it will vote into office authoritarians who will oppress the individual and minorities.
Second, and this follows from the problem identified above, socialism requires not merely a population willing to preserve liberal freedoms but institutions able to defend liberty. This is almost certainly an inherent problem in socialist arrangements. History certainly attests to it. Administering a collectively owned economy requires extensive bureaucratic authority over consumption, distribution, and production. Such authority inevitably concentrates power. When the same institutions that govern political life also exercise broad control over economic life, they acquire the means to reward conformity and penalize dissent.
Liberal rights depend not only on good intentions but on limiting the concentration of power itself. Government control over consumption, distribution, and production is a necessary entailment of socialist arrangements. I trust you see the problem. After all, the goal of socialist arrangements is substantive equality, not just formal equality. This is at least the ostensible reason individuals advocate for socialism. Let’s be charitable and take them at their word. This is the problem: since discipline, effort, and talents are unequally distributed across the human population, facts personal liberty affirms, those who are more industrious must meet the needs of those who are not, and this necessarily intrudes into the personal liberty space.
It is no secret that I used to advocate for socialism. Socialism tugged at my sense of fairness. Inequality seemed to me an injustice. But after considering history and turning to reason, it became obvious to me that socialism inevitably restricts individual liberty and personal autonomy. My capacity to rationalize the experience of those who suffered under Soviet communism was limited by my devotion to personal autonomy. One chooses not for himself under socialism, but others choose for him, and those who make the choices do not always have his best interests in mind. In fact, they usually don’t. More often, they have their interest in mind, which socialism allows them to lord over the formerly free man.
As I argued recently, we might say that inequality is the price we pay for freedom. However, this makes inequality sound as if it is always a bad thing. If inequality is the result of freedom, and that result comes with progress and more opportunities for individuals to rise and self-actualize, then inequality is rather an entailment of liberty. At the same time, it serves as liberty’s metric. Given the unequal distribution of ambition, discipline, and talents, equality of outcome cannot be expected in a free society. Yet ambition can be inspired, discipline can be learned, and talents can be developed. Those who rise serve as models for others who also may wish to rise. By contrast, those who promote dependency on others model attitudes and behavior that the ambitious know to avoid. The more freedom, the more inequality, because freedom allows competition in which there are winners and losers, the result of variation in ambition, discipline, and talents.
To illustrate this, I recommend Kurt Vonnegut, Jr’s 1961 “Harrison Bergeron.” In this very short story, Vonnegut has the reader imagining a utopian society in which those who are faster, smarter, etc., are forced to wear weights on their legs, helmets that disrupt their thinking, etc., so that they’re equal with those who can’t run as fast or who aren’t as smart. To make this work, there’s a bureaucratic office called the Handicapper General, headed by a commissar who determines who needs to be limited, how, and to what degree. I don’t know if this is the case, but “Harrison Bergeron” appears to have been inspired by Frederick Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty, published the year before, in which the argument is made that inequality is a measure of the degree of freedom in a society assuming human variation in the traits identified above. I used to not like Hayek’s argument because I was a socialist. Hayek persuaded me. Now I am no longer a socialist. (See The Problem is Not Worker Ownership but Socialism at Scale.)
I was assisted in my escape from socialist sympathy by George Orwell. Even though Orwell described himself as a democratic socialist, he condemned state socialist societies that sought, if only ostensibly, substantive equality. In Animal Farm, Orwell renders the initial revolutionary slogan as “All animals are equal.” But the pigs later changed it to “Some animals are more equal than others.” And they unleashed the dogs on those who dissented from the new arrangement.
Those who lived under Soviet rule were much more substantively equal than those living in the West. I used to use this fact to praise the Society Union. I did the deep dive on this in a 2003 article in Nature, Society, and Thought. Soviet citizens had universal housing, access to food and healthcare, etc. This is true. But it is rather beside the point. The Soviet Union was not a free society. That’s the point. The government picked where you lived, what you ate, where you worked, etc. The capitalist class was replaced by an administrative state that managed the proles. Ashamedly, I even downplayed the oppression of the peasantry and the proletariat. I cannot deny this because it is a matter of public record. But I can publicly renounce previous opinions. I am free to do that.
In The Constitution of Liberty, Hayek explicitly defines liberty as the absence of coercion by other people. He puts the situation of liberty as such: “The state in which a man is not subject to coercion by the arbitrary will of another or others.” Coercion occurs when one person forces another to serve the first person’s purposes by threatening harm or leaving him with no reasonable alternative. That last situation is why Hayek supported public support for the aged, the disabled, etc. But not for able-bodied individuals. In Hayek’s view, liberty exists when individuals are generally free to pursue their own plans according to their own knowledge and values. Socialism negates liberty. It takes us down the road to serfdom, as Hayek argued in his 1945 book by the same name.
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MAGA is not so much redefining the Republican Party as it is taking the party back to its roots, which are themselves rooted in the founding principle of the Republic and the American System. The Republican Party lost its way under the neoconservative and neoliberal tendencies that emerged under Bush. Even before then, Nixon was compelled to compromise with the progressive Democrats who controlled Congress and the administrative state. This is why liberals and conservatives in MAGA consider that crowd RINOs, or “Republicans in name only,” the donor class embodied today by Thune, Cornyn, McConnell, and their ilk. MAGA aims to return the party to the spirit of Lincoln, deconstruct the unelected administrative state, an unconstitutional fourth branch of government established by progressives and entrenched by the welfare state, and restore the full powers to the Executive, those outlined in Article II of the Constitution.
Democratic socialism, by contrast, represents a radical departure from the Democratic Party in its approach to governance. Even during secession, the Confederate States of America established a government structure that closely resembled the United States under the original Constitution (the chief differences being increased power to the states and preservation of the institution of chattel slavery). Democratic socialists are proposing fundamental changes to the Republic by ending federalism and overthrowing the constitutional system of democratic representation, thereby concentrating power in a centralized state. In short, the democratic socialists are proposing that we abandon the American Republic.
This would constitute a paradigm shift, in a word, revolution, but not a socialist one in the Orwellian sense. Indeed, as I explained in Monday’s essay, the social democrats are counterrevolutionaries. The democratic socialists, like the party they steer, are backed by transnational corporate power. The globalists seek the end of nation-states and the interstate system, replacing the present world order with a new one governed by transnational corporate entities. The system would constitute a neo-feudalist planetary system where populations are managed by a techocratic system of corporate-run estates administered by a bureaucratic elite. It is in this way that progressives embody the counterrevolutionary spirit.
Stripped of its rhetorical clothing, the globalist vision is more in line with the Stalinist vision of governance (this was Orwell’s concern), only with corporate power behind it. In that sense, it intersects with the ambition of the National Socialists but with the racial hierarchy inverted (see Communism and Fascism—A Distinction Without a Difference?). Something like Communist China is the model the globalists have in mind. This model is necessary to protect the wealth of the corporate elite, which is threatened by historical developments it has brought about, for example, the entailments of artificial intelligence, which will render the majority of the world’s working class redundant, finishing the job started by bureaucratic efficiency, automation, and robotization. This was predicted in the 1960s by the Marxist economist Ernest Mandel. In such a world, he proved, value disappears. The elite need a new system to preserve their privilege.
The pigs changed the slogan because the inequality brought about by the socialist situation was the result of coercion. The pigs did not have more than the other animals because they earned it in an open and competitive system, but because they controlled the political apparatus and awarded themselves privileges, which the dogs secured by force when the new slogans were insufficient to keep the other animals in line. The slogan “Some animals are more equal than others” was designed to rationalize the coercive system that allowed the pigs to claim unearned advantages. Through their control of the political apparatus, they instituted a system not unlike DEI. Socialism became what it condemned: a system of unequal power, where the other animals toiled in the dirt of mediocracy—all for the sake of pigs.















