The Campaign to Cancel Tucker Carlson is Part of the Policy

Following up on my last blog post Rationalizing the Border Crisis with Hysteria, Lies, and Smears, The Guardian is trying to give the attack on Tucker Carlson legs (see also The “Great Replacement” as Antiracist Propaganda). Martin Pengelly writes, “Claiming the Biden administration was trying ‘to change the racial mix of the country,’ Carlson said: ‘In political terms, this policy is called “the great replacement, the replacement of legacy Americans with more obedient people from far-away countries.” Carlson is speaking frankly about the progressive project. “They brag about it all the time,” he says, “but if you dare to say it’s happening they will scream at you with maximum hysteria.” It’s true. They do brag about it all the time.

ADL chief executive, Jonathan Greenblatt, who is calling for Carlson to be fired, accuses Carlson of engaged in antisemitic and xenophobic speech. “For Tucker Carlson to spread the toxic, antisemitic and xenophobic ‘great replacement theory’ is a repugnant and dangerous abuse of his platform.” But concern over the pace and purpose of mass immigration is not xenophobic. Nor is recognizing the problem of multiculturalism xenophobic. Not all cultures are adequate for maximal human development. Moreover, what makes criticisms of mss immigration “antisemitic”? This is an attempt to attribute to Carlson a paranoid belief held by a small minority of people that Jews are orchestrating multiculturalism. What evidence is there that Carlson is to be counted among this minority?

Carlson’s response is on-point. “The ADL?” Carlson said. “Fuck them.” The ADL, he said, “was a noble organization that had a very specific goal, which was to fight antisemitism, and that’s a virtuous goal. They were pretty successful over the years. Now it’s operated by a guy who’s just an apparatchik of the Democratic party.” He continued: “It’s very corrosive for someone to take the residual moral weight of an organization that he inherited and use it for party.” Carlson is refusing to accept that the progressive worldview about immigration is coextensive with the correct moral position on immigration. He rightly points out that “the great replacement theory is, in fact, not a theory. It’s something that the Democrats brag about constantly, up to and including the president.” That the point that the progressive establishment is desperate to obscure. The President of the United States himself is celebrating the fact that, if the pace of immigration continues, white people will be an “absolute minority” in the United States. The question for Biden and progressives is why are they so giddy about this? What explains the loathing of the white majority?

In the clip Carlson plays, which I emphasized in my previous post, then vice-president Biden says: “An unrelenting stream of immigration, non-stop, non-stop. Folks like me who were Caucasian, of European descent for the first time in 2017 will be in an absolute minority in the United States of America, absolute minority. Fewer than 50 percent of the people in America from then and on will be White European stock. That’s not a bad thing. That’s as a source of our strength.” This has not come to pass, but clearly Biden was anticipating it with a joy he could hardly contain. Carlson wondered in his monologue, “An unrelenting stream of immigration. But why? Well, Joe Biden just said it, to change the racial mix of the country[, to] dramatically increase the proportion of Americans newly arrived from the Third World.” Carlson noted, “This is the language of eugenics.”

Who pushed eugenics to begin with? The history here is not ambiguous. Eugenics and demographic steering are the offspring of the progressive movement (see Biden’s Biofascist Regime for background). It took a massive populist movement to stop mass immigration the first time, a proletarian movement that establishment historians have ever since tried to portrayed a nativist and racist (see Smearing Labor as Racist: The Globalist Project to Discredit the Working Class). “[I]n one sentence,” Carlson says, “it’s this: ‘Rather than convince the current population that our policies are working and they should vote for us as a result, we can’t be bothered to do that. We’re instead going to change the composition of the population and bring in people who will vote for us.’ So there isn’t actually inherently a racial component to it, and it’s nothing to do with antisemitism.”

Mass immigration is a transnationalism strategy to transform the West

As I have shown on this blog, for more than a century, progressives have aggressively pushed immigration policy to change the demography and culture of America. The goal was clear back then, as I have documented in several posts on Freedom and Reason (here are three posts laying out the argument and the facts: The Democratic Party and the Doctrine of Multiculturalism; The Work of Bourgeois Hegemony in the Immigration Debate; Culture Matters: Western Exceptionalism and Socialist Possibility).

Because of the profound shallowness of political understanding on the left, I have to state what should be the obvious: my argument is not a rightwing argument. It’s pro-working class. Carlson is indeed a conservative. But I’m a socialist (see Marxian Nationalism and the Globalist Threat). Despite our distinct political world-views, we both get what’s going on because we have a populist outlook. In contrast, progressivism is corporate state ideology. Multiculturalism, or cultural pluralism, as they used to call it, is an ideological component in denationalization politics (see The Work of Bourgeois Hegemony in the Immigration Debate). This all part of the transnational project to incorporate the proletariat of the West into a global socioeconomic order. Mass immigration since the 1960s is part of the managed decline of the American republic and, more broadly, the West (The Denationalization Project and the End of Capitalism). The power elite don’t want people talking about this, so they try to cancel them.

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Andrew Austin

Andrew Austin is on the faculty of Democracy and Justice Studies and Sociology at the University of Wisconsin—Green Bay. He has published numerous articles, essays, and reviews in books, encyclopedia, journals, and newspapers.

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