“We are effectively run in this country via the Democrats, via our corporate oligarchs, by a bunch of childless cat ladies who are miserable at their own lives and the choices that they’ve made, so they want to make of the country miserable too,” JD Vance, Tucker Carlson Tonight, July 29, 2021
“You should never say anything to hurt anybody’s feelings, but when you look at all these interviews by JD, he was talking about how the Democratic Party has abandoned the traditional family. So this idea of trying to marginalize JD and make him some kind of bad person is not going to work. He’s not a bad person, he’s a good person.” —Lindsey Graham, Face The Nation, July 28, 2024
As is well known, JD Vance isn’t from Kentucky. Apparently that’s a big deal to the folx. Vance was born in Middletown Ohio, about a hundred and eighty miles from where both sides of his family lived in Jackson, Kentucky. To give you some perspective, that’s about the same distance as between Nashville and Knoxville. For Wisconsinites, it’s a little shy of the distance between Green Bay and Kenosha. That’s not very far. A tank of gas. Vance used to spend time during his summers in Franklin (much like I would spend time during my summers in Blackman, TN, and Terre Haute, IN).
And yes, it’s true, JD Vance is not the man’s original name. He was born James Donald Bowman. His parents were divorced when Vance was a toddler and he was adopted by his mother’s third husband, Bob Hamel. Vance’s mother, Beverly Carol, changed the boy’s name to remove his father’s name, choosing “David “ to keep his nickname “JD.” Somehow Vance was able to find a time machine and mastermind all this because it’s deceptive and he’s a bad person. Or haven’t you heard?
Rumor has it that Vance was never poor. In fact, he was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. Why? Because he went to Yale obviously. But the truth is that Vance grew up in poverty, his mother addicted to drugs. The situation was so bad that he and his sister Lindsey were raised by their material grandparents, Mamaw and Papaw, who had moved to Middletown from Jackson. He took the family name “Vance” in appreciation for his grandmother’s sacrifices (she had a tough life, as well). She was the woman who raised him.
The family cemetery in Breathitt County where J.D. Vance’s grandparents and other ancestors were laid to rest
These arrangements didn’t improve his life chances, though, not financially at least, so Vance took it upon himself to make things happen and joined the Marine Corps. With the GI bill in hand, Vance attended Ohio State University, where he graduated summa cum laude, which allowed him to secure a full-ride scholarship to Yale for the first year. It was there that a friend persuaded him to write a memoir about his life. It was there that he also met his wife, Usha (they have three children together).
When the book Hillbilly Elegy came out it was not marketed so much as a story about his family’s roots in Appalachia, albeit that piece is crucial, but more about the devastation wrought by globalization and regional deindustrialization and falling away from traditional values. For this reason, the Washington Post called him the “voice of the Rust Belt.” Today, his working class sympathies are getting him accused on X by right-wingers of being more of a socialist than a conservative. Those on the far left are billing him as a rich man (while voting for the party that represents the richest of men).
I haven’t read the book. I watched the movie a few weeks ago. I did research to fill in the gaps. It was easy to suss all this out. The man’s life is, after all, an open book. Wikipedia is not a bad source for things like this.
The experience has been impactful because I remember, in the 1980s, how globalization had emptied my state of electronic subassembly plants and apparel manufacturing factories. We were the subject of the documentary Global Assembly Line, which I often show my students. Nashville was a fading city then. I moved to Miami shortly after graduating high school in 1980 to make a life (lasted about a year in that crime-infested hellhole). Intellectually, with a specialization in political economy, I found Vance’s biography useful as a concrete personification of the harm caused by transnationalization. I find Michael Moore’s documentary Roger and Me useful for the same reason. I show that in class, as well. All this provides the context for the rise of populism and the persona of Donald Trump.
The Austin family of Ravenscroft
I also find Vance’s biography impactful because my family on my paternal side has roots in Appalachia. Although I only lived at the foot of the mountains for a little while as a kid, and did my PhD there in Knoxville, I still feel a connection. This connection was reinforced by regular visits to Sparta where my grandfather and his father before him lived, working in the coal mines up on the mountain. My great grandfather Austin was a blacksmith. (I own land up there.) And, of course, the time I spent with my grandfather, who, having come down from off that mountain physically, never left the mountain spiritually.
Our species are culture bearers, which means we humans take our culture with us wherever we go. I know this will sound cliche, but putting it simply goes like this, you can take the man off the mountain, but you can’t take the mountain out of the man. I’d like to believe there’s a little mountain in me. When I say I have roots in Appalachia, I don’t feel like I’m lying. And JD Vance is a lot closer to those mountains than I am.
We all know what this is about. I just wanted to take a minute and share my thoughts about it. By the way, my great grandmother’s name on my grandmother’s side was Mamaw. My grandfather’s name was Papa. Now my father is Papa.
“Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans represent an extremism that threatens the very foundations of our republic.”— Joe Biden, Philadelphia 2022
There is a lot of talk these days about fascism in the United States (and in Europe, as well). Indeed, persistent and widespread rhetoric characterizing Donald Trump and his populist supporters likely played a role in the attempt made on his life two Saturdays ago. The false characterization is based on selective and decontextualized features of fascism and mapping them over the Trump phenomenon— Trump is a demagogue who champions nationalism (as if that is a bad thing), and so forth. I discussed this in previous essays, so I won’t repeat myself here. What I want to do today is identify the inherent features of twentieth century fascism to help readers elaborate their capacity to see fascism in the twenty-first century. Mussolini and Hitler are long gone, but the corporate state they championed is not; it has only become entrenched, its power dissimulated by a culture of futility.
I like sharing images of Biden in Philadelphia giving his “Battle for the Soul of the Nation” speech. Not because the imagery is fascistic; although, as Walter Benjamin told us in 1936 (see “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”), the aesthetics of fascism are not unimportant, fascism does not reduce to aesthetics. Expecting twenty-first century fascism to mirror its historical forms from the first half of the 20th century overlooks significant socio-political transformation and technological advancements that erase and reframe historic features of fascism (the content of Biden’s Philadelphia speech was an instance of such reframing). Indeed, only a few days ago, Biden declined to run for reelection in 2024 at the insistence of his own party. What dictator does that? Indeed, that the establishment could sack a President of the United States and tens of millions would turn on a dime to support his replacement is one more compelling piece of evidence for my thesis.
Fascism in its initial phase emerged in response to unique historical circumstances: economic crisis, post-World War I disillusionment, the rise of mass media and propaganda, to name a few. Today, digital communication, diversified economies, and global interconnectedness present new avenues—and challenges—for authoritarian political projects. Modern manifestations of fascism are seen in the exploitation of the uncertainty rapid change generates, in their deployment of sophisticated propaganda techniques, and adapt to democratic norms rather than overtly rejecting them. Thus examining fascism exclusively through a historical lens risks overlooking its contemporary variations and the more nuanced ways it might manifest and influence modern societies.
Russian soldiers and a civilian struggled to move a large bronze Nazi Party eagle once perched over a doorway of the Reich Chancellery, Berlin, 1945.
A sociologist aiming to understand these dynamics across time and space abstracts and generalizes the underlying features of fascism, isolating patterns that transcend specific historical contexts. This approach involves identifying core elements such as administrative rule, authoritarianism, propaganda, suppression of dissent, and weaponization of the justice system that reappear in different forms under varying economic, political, and social conditions. By focusing on these fundamental characteristics, and taking into account current global trends such the erosion of democratic norms and the increasing use of surveillance technology, the public can better anticipate how fascism might appear today. This broader perspective allows for a more comprehensive understanding of fascism’s contemporary presence in ways that may not be immediately recognizable but are equally pernicious. I begin with a (very) brief account of historical fascism.
The mid-twentieth century witnessed the rise of two prominent totalitarian regimes in Europe, namely Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. Both regimes implemented distinct economic models to consolidate power and achieve their ideological goals, with Italian Fascism striving to create a corporate state, and Nazi Germany establishing totalitarian monopoly capitalism. Too much can be made of the distinction, and in the current period fascism presents as a synthesis of these designs. Indeed, these frameworks not only shaped their respective economic systems and left lasting impacts on European history, but they influenced the post-war integration efforts that led to the formation of the European Union (EU).
Mussolini’s fate
Under the leadership of Benito Mussolini (1922-1943), Italian Fascism aimed to establish a corporate state where society was organized into regime-controlled associations or corporations. Corporatism sought to harmonize the interests of various economic and social groups, eliminating the appearance of class conflict through national unity. The Italian state acted as the ultimate authority, integrating all sectors of society into a cohesive framework designed to serve national goals. The result was a totalitarian regime where the state’s interests superseded class and individual interests, promoting a centralized economic structure.
Adolf Hitler’s Nazi government, in collusion with big banking and corporate power, implemented a form of totalitarian monopoly capitalism (see Totalitarian Monopoly Capitalism: Fascism Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow). While maintaining private ownership of industries, the Nazi regime exercised extensive control over the economy, directing economic activities to align with its ideological and militaristic objectives. In the context of state managed production and resource allocation, particularly in sectors critical to rearmament and war efforts, major corporations such as Volkswagen, Siemens, Krupp, IG Farben, and Deutsche Bank played significant roles in this system, collaborating with the regime to achieve their goals.
One way of looking at Germany under Nazi control is that these corporations benefited from state contracts and support, effectively becoming instruments of the totalitarian state. The other way of seeing it is that the totalitarian state was the instrument of the corporate power. However, these are not mutually exclusive conceptualizations. Indeed, the relationship between state and economy under Nazism can be understood as a reciprocal, intrinsic integration where both entities simultaneously shaped and were shaped by each other in a dialectical process. It can be described, following the work of Barrington Moore, Jr., a “revolution from above.” (See Celebrating the End of Chevron: How to See the New Fascism.)
Under Hitler, corporations thrived on state contracts and support, becoming instruments of the totalitarian state by producing war materials, utilizing forced labor, and aligning with the regime’s goals. Simultaneously, the Nazi state relied on these corporations to bolster its power, using economic resources to fuel its expansionist ambitions and to consolidate control over society. This synergy created a feedback loop where state policies facilitated corporate growth and corporate power reinforced state authority. Thus, the lines between state and economy blurred, revealing a co-dependent relationship where each entity’s influence and strengths were inextricably linked to the other’s. This dialectical integration underscores how the state’s totalitarian nature and the corporate pursuit of profit were mutually reinforcing, leading to a unified, powerful apparatus that drove the Nazi war machine and sustained its oppressive regime.
Crucially, Hitler’s definition of socialism diverged significantly from that of traditional Marxian socialism, wherein the working class takes possession of the means of production and distributes the fruits of their labor on the basis of productivity. Hitler redefined socialism to align with a particular brand of nationalist and racial ideology (essentially the same thing in Hitler’s scheme), emphasizing unity and the subordination of worker interests to those of the nation as a racial community. In Hitler’s view, socialism was not about class struggle or the redistribution of capital as Marxism posited but about the collective welfare of the Aryan race and the German nation. Hitler envisioned a hierarchical society where the state would play a central role in organizing and directing economic and social life, ensuring that all elements of society contributed to the national interest. This form of socialism rejected the idea of class struggle and instead promoted the idea of a Volksgemeinschaft, or people’s community, where loyalty to the nation and race was paramount.
As I explain in Republicans and Fascists, at its core, right-wing ideology revolves around the belief in a natural hierarchy and the inherent right of superior individuals to govern those deemed inferior, which this right is determined by divine right or genetics. The masses are seen as inferiors, as rabble to manage. This perspective asserts, albeit often not explicitly, that economic and social inequalities and political symmetry are natural and desirable, reflecting inherent differences in ability, character, and worth. Proponents argue that order and stability are best maintained when society is structured around these hierarchies, with leadership roles reserved for those who demonstrate superiority through power, wealth, and other markers of success. This ideology champions authority and the maintenance of established social structures, if they align with the ideology, viewing these as essential to the proper functioning of society. This is the identitarian model of power embraced by corporatists (social democrats) and progressives.
In contrast, the nationalism found in liberal democracies like the United States is generally based on civic principles, including democratic governance, equality before the law, and individual rights. To be sure, liberal democracies emerge from capitalist relations, liberalism establishing in principle the relative autonomy of markets from state control (see The Individual, the Nation-State, and Left-Libertarianism); but the political system is inclusive in nature, focusing on shared values and political identity rather than racial identity or ethnic purity (see Secularism, Nationalism, and Nativism). American nationalism is rooted in the idea of a melting pot, where people of diverse backgrounds can coexist and contribute to the nation’s identity. Therefore, while both ideologies use the term “nationalism,” Hitler’s version was exclusive and racially defined, whereas the nationalism in liberal democracies emphasizes civic identity and inclusivity. The attack on nationalism and populism from the progressive left erases the distinction between different nationalisms to advance transnationalism (see An Architect of Transnationalism: Horace Kallen and the Fetish for Diversity and Inclusion; The Democratic Party and the Doctrine of Multiculturalism; The Denationalization Project and the End of Capitalism).
Historically, populism has been closely associated with popular democracy, as it emphasizes the power and voice of the ordinary people against the elite and the establishment. Populist movements arise from a recognition that the ruling class is disconnected from the needs and desires of the general populace, advocating for greater political accountability and responsiveness to the will of the people. In this sense, populism aligns with the principles of popular democracy by seeking to empower the masses and ensure their interests are represented in the political process. There are politics that appear populist, diverging from the ideals of democratic governance by undermining democratic institutions. The two-term presidency of Barack Obama is a good example of authoritarianism and warmongering moving under cover of populism. We also saw this with the two-term presidency of George W. Bush. In truth, both regimes advanced the establishment projects of neoconservatism and neoliberalism. The two terms represent a combined 16 years of establishment continuity. Adding Bill Clinton’s two terms and the term of George H.W. Bush, and the establishment enjoyed twenty-eight years of relatively undisturbed hegemonic control.
The ideological account of ultranationalism obfuscates many important fact about the historic instantiations of fascism. For example, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany indeed shared a common ideology that articulated the importance of nationalism, yet their ambitions extended far beyond national borders. Both regimes sought to assert their power and influence through aggressive expansionism, driven by a vision of reclaiming perceived historical greatness and securing resources to sustain their ambitions. They sought empire. In Italy, Mussolini’s fascist movement emphasized the restoration of Italy’s former imperial glory, invoking the legacy of ancient Rome to justify expansionist policies. Nationalist fervor was aimed at unifying Italians under a single authoritarian state, asserting dominance both internally and externally. Mussolini sought to revive Italy’s imperial legacy by conquering territories in North Africa, such as Ethiopia and Libya, envisioning a new Roman Empire. Italian ambitions in the Mediterranean aimed to challenge British and French colonial interests, expanding Italy’s influence beyond European borders.
Similarly, Nazi Germany’s nationalism was deeply intertwined with the goal of territorial expansion. Hitler’s regime propagated the idea of Lebensraum (living space) for the German people, which justified aggressive territorial expansion into Eastern Europe and beyond. The invasion of Poland in 1939 marked the beginning of World War II, driven by Hitler’s goal to secure Lebensraum and assert German dominance in Europe. Subsequent campaigns in Western Europe, the Balkans, and the Soviet Union aimed to establish German hegemony across the continent. The Nazis aimed to create a Greater Germany, incorporating ethnic Germans from neighboring territories and establishing hegemony over Central and Eastern Europe.
The nationalist and expansionist goals of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany had profound consequences both domestically and internationally. Domestically, these regimes used militarism and propaganda to consolidate power, suppressing dissent and promoting a cult of leadership centered on Mussolini and Hitler. Internationally, their actions destabilized global peace and security, leading to the deadliest conflict in human history. Moreover, the expansionist policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany fueled atrocities and human suffering on an unprecedented scale. In Italy’s African campaigns, atrocities against local populations and the use of chemical weapons underscored the brutality of imperial ambitions. The Holocaust, perpetrated by Nazi Germany, resulted in the systematic genocide of six million Jews and millions of others deemed undesirable by the regime.
Despite the collapse of these regimes, the corporate power structures that supported them endured and adapted to the post-war context. The aftermath of the war saw the dissolution and restructuring of many companies associated with the Nazi regime. However, several of these corporations, such as Volkswagen, Siemens, Krupp (later ThyssenKrupp), BASF, Bayer, and Deutsche Bank, survived the war and played crucial roles in the economic recovery and development of post-war Europe. Their expertise, infrastructure, and international connections were instrumental in rebuilding Germany and contributing to broader European reconstruction efforts. The European integration process, ostensibly driven by a desire to prevent future conflicts and promote economic stability, was significantly influenced by these economic actors.
I have in mind a future essay that will analyze the matter in greater depth, but briefly here, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), established in 1951 by the Treaty of Paris, marked the first step towards European integration. It aimed to pool coal and steel production among member states, making war between historic rivals France and Germany materially impossible. German companies, including those that had collaborated with the Nazi regime, were integral to this effort, leveraging their industrial capabilities to support the ECSC’s goals. The establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 through the Treaty of Rome further deepened economic integration. The EEC aimed to create a common market and harmonize economic policies among member states. German corporations, having rebuilt and restructured their operations, were key players in this process, contributing to the economic growth and stability necessary for European integration.
Thus, the corporate state framework of Italian Fascism and the totalitarian monopoly capitalism of Nazi Germany not only shaped their respective economic systems but also influenced the post-war trajectory of European integration. The collaboration between the state and major corporations in both regimes created a foundation for economic growth (albeit in the context of the falling rate of profit, hence neoliberalism), ultimately contributing to the formation of the European Union. This integration process, ostensibly driven by the lessons of the past and the desire for a peaceful and prosperous Europe, saw the involvement of many German corporations that had once been allied with the Nazi regime now playing pivotal roles in building a united and cooperative European community.
The European Union is a regionalist project. But regionalization is part of globalist ambition. We should explore that question since one of the claims that we are not currently in a fascist order is the fact of transnationalism. Isn’t fascism an ultranationalist project? Or is it globalism imperialism rebranded? Imperialism has traditionally referred to a state’s policy or practice of extending its power and influence over other territories through colonization, conquest, or political dominance. Historically, imperial powers sought to acquire new territories to assert cultural and political hegemony over subjugated regions and for economic exploitation, strategic advantage, etc. This often involved establishing direct control over colonies, imposing governance systems, exploiting resources, and extracting wealth for the benefit of the imperial center.
In contrast, globalism, or globalization, describes the contemporary trend of increasing interconnectedness and interdependence among cultures, economies, and societies worldwide. Unlike imperialism, which centers on hierarchical control and territorial expansion, globalism emphasizes the flow of ideas, goods, services, and capital across borders. It involves the integration of markets, the spread of technology and information, and the development of global institutions and norms that facilitate cooperation and coordination among nations. At least that’s the way the project is spun. The concept of neoimperialism complicates this distinction—if we agree that the distinction is something deeper than cosmetic. Neoimperialism refers to a modern form of imperialism that operates through cultural, economic, or technological dominance rather than direct political control or military conquest. In this sense, globalism, with its emphasis on economic integration and global institutions, is a continuation or evolution of imperialist ambitions under new guises. After all, under neoimperialism, powerful nations or corporations use global structures to maintain dominance over weaker states, influencing policies, and exploiting resources for their own benefit. Put another way, we are looking a distinctions without a lot of differences.
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"Most conservatives would be fascists if you just didn't use the word but explained it in other terms."
I hate to even bring Steven Bonnell aka Destiny into this, but since he is channeling a common sentiment, and the irony of the moment is perfect, I am compelled to. Bonnell describes the demand for uncritical faith in the corporate captured institutions of state power characteristic of fascism as democracy, while describing the confidence people have in a citizen they know the corporate state sees as an enemy of that state and ascribes to it fascism. He literally has it backwards. What he says here is the equivalent of smearing as fascists those Italians who grasped that Antonio Gramsci was persecuted by the fascist government in Italy (a corporate state) because Gramsci was a critic of fascism. He does this because, first of all, presumably the Gramsci case would be obvious to him, but he can’t work from the principle that makes it true (he is not very well read and he is the paradigm of the Gish gallop). Second, he absurdly thinks that fascism reduces to a charismatic strong man trusted by the people. He has tailored his definition of fascism to meet the Trump moment. It is typical of progressives to see administrative rule and technocratic control as democracy and populist resistance to concentrated power as fascist (I have an essay pending on the camera obscura that will help readers understand how ideology works).
Here is what Bonnell and so many others don’t care to understand. At its core, fascism is an authoritarian political ideology characterized by the concentration of power in a centralized government apparatus that seeks to control all or most aspects of public and private life. It emphasizes social hierarchies, the subordination of individual interests to corporate bureaucracy, and the use of state mechanisms to enforce conformity and loyalty to the prevailing ideology. This ideology involves the glorification of the government and sometimes its leaders, suppression of political opposition, and the use of propaganda to manipulate public opinion. Some sort of race thinking is usually present.
While historically associated with dictators like Mussolini and Hitler, contemporary interpretations must recognize that fascism can manifest in various forms of authoritarian governance, not necessarily dependent on a charismatic leader or a racist ideology. Economic control is typically exercised through the collaboration of government and industry, promoting a managed economy that aligns with the state’s objectives—which at the same means that the state is the instrument of corporate power, the ruling class. Fascism also relies heavily on militarism and the pursuit of strength and unity through aggressive means, fostering a culture of fear and obedience among the populace. The essence lies in the centralization of authority, suppression of dissent, and the imposition of strict controls over society.
Today’s Democratic Party seeks the consolidation of power within the form of a federal government but that seeks to regulate a myriad of aspects of public and private life through control over the judiciary, executive action, and expansive legislation, all coordinated by an unconstitutional, unaccountable, and unelected administrative-technocratic apparatus. The party’s emphasis on social hierarchies through identity politics, promoting selected groups’ interests over individual merit, and the alignment of government initiatives with corporate interests in industries like healthcare and technology, demonstrate the desire to subordinate individual interests to corporate bureaucracy.
The Democratic Party’s policy proposals, such as increased regulation and collaboration with large corporations on issues like climate change and healthcare, promote a managed economy aligned with state objectives, blurring the lines between government and corporate power. The party’s messaging and media strategies glorify selected government leaders while suppressing opposition through social media regulation and other forms of censorship, aiming to enforce conformity and loyalty to its ideology. The party’s support for defense spending and military interventions is an indication of the party’s militarism and the control of the geopolitical environment through aggressive means.
While the Democratic Party does not fit the historical mold of fascist regimes, the elements of centralized authority, economic control through government-industry collaboration, and the suppression of dissent are all present, indicating the presence of the core transhistorical features of fascism. We don’t have to travel down this road to perdition. It is possible to reclaim for the people a nation governed by democratic-republic values in the context of a system of sovereign nation-states ordered by classical liberal values. We still have the ballot box. To be sure, the rigging and fraud were historic in 2020, and they will try to steal this election, too, but if the numbers are great enough and the voters vigilant enough, we can prevent another four years of the West’s slide into the New Fascism.
Antonio Gramsci, Cultural Hegemony, and the Transnational Corporate Elite Project to Reorder Popular Conscious by Assailing Reason and Tradition
Update: 2:21 PM 7.26.24. So much to take in. The best part is when, instead of the self-described “love activist” who played the role of Jesus and her apostles feasting on the body of Apollo, the Greek god of sun, light, prophecy, music, poetry, and healing, they were served the living body of Dionysus, aka Bacchus, the god of wine, fertility (odd choice there), ecstasy, and theater. Apollo, who represents order, reason, and harmony was a no show. Instead we get the god of frenzied dance and rituals seeking to break down the barriers of individuality and transgress social norms. It was the perfect choice given the politics projected by performance. In gender ideology, this is known as “queering” the space. A key part of queering spaces, situations, and activities is to subvert traditional religious beliefs and practices, as well as Enlightenment values, and substitute for them debauchery and nihilism. Hence the role of Jesus played by a “love activist.” You have to grasp both postmodernist politics and the study of mythology to see this for what it was. Although, frankly, it sort of explained itself. Especially when the man in black with his testicles hanging out of his shorts rubbed up against the child right near the “love activist.”
Update: 11:28 PM. I forgot to include this bit. The Olympics are trying to deny the imagery from the opening ceremony. It was not the Last Supper but the Greek god Dionysus they say. “The interpretation of the Greek God Dionysus makes us aware of the absurdity of violence between human beings.”
Ok, then, Dionysus (the blue Smurf looking dude) was served on a huge dinner plate at a table with an obese woman wearing a halo surrounded by drag queens and cross dressers arranged in such a manner as we see below. (The man in black talking to the child in yellow had his balls hanging out the whole time.) Do a Google search for other depictions of the Last Supper and you will see Jesus with the halo seen in the above image. There is not a chance that this is not mocking Christianity.
Screenshot from the opening ceremony
Mocking religion is fine. Free speech and all. We’re free to do that. I’m an atheist who has mocked religion many times. I have penned many essays on Freedom and Reason defending the ridiculing of religion. But that’s not really the issue here. The issue is the praxis, i.e., the propagandistic purposes of the performance. I clarify those in this essay. France’s Inter-LGBT President James Leperlier told the Associated Press, “We know in the LGBTQ community in France we are far from what the ceremony showed.” Leperlier is telling us that he wants a France that looks like what was on that stage. This is what I mean by imperial ambition. Moreover, as I show, it’s not the first time the Olympics have been used for imperial ambition.
One last point. I am hearing from people that this is no big deal. Christians are silly for letting this trigger them, etc. Christians understand that this performance is not disconnected from the project to undermine the family and sexualize children. You don’t have to be a Christian to care about that. However, it is typical of the progressive style to deny something is what it is and, when they can no longer deny that, to say that it is no big deal and that others are overreacting. Such pompous posturing is an expression of the elitist mentally that infects the progressive mind.
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The opening ceremony of the Paris 2024 Summer Olympics took place along the Seine River, highlighting French culture with athletes parading on boats. Departing from the traditional stadium setting, the event offered picturesque views of Parisian landmarks and featured performances contrasting France’s Enlightenment and Judeo-Christian heritage with decadent postmodern elite culture, one especially focused on elements of trans activism and stylized reflections of the Reign of Terror. The corporate media conveyed the visuals in rhetoric of parody and lightheartedness. In fact, the performances were mocking and subversive. They were, moreover, a clear signal of the presence of the New World Order and its strategy of cultural hegemonic programming.
Drag queens mock da Vinci’s “The Last Supper.” An OnlyFans Smurf is the main course
One notable segment included drag queens parodying Leonardo da Vinci’s “The Last Supper,” which drew criticism from figures like European Parliament member Marion Maréchal. Critics argued that the performance mocked a sacred religious scene and accused the organizers of prioritizing “woke” culture over the traditional Judeo-Christian sensibilities. Indeed. That was its purpose. It was an instantiation of transgressive praxis trans activists call “queering space.” Organizers defended the performance as a celebration of diversity and inclusivity, reflecting contemporary societal values. But these aren’t contemporary societal values. Nor do these performances have anything to do with diversity and inclusivity. These are the “values” of the New Aristocracy, the transnational corporate elite and their subalterns. Performances like this are the products of the culture industrial project to disrupt contemporary societal values to prepare populations for the New World Order, organized by transnational corporate elites.
Using the Olympics to disrupt and reprogram mass consciousness is not a new thing. The 1936 Summer Olympics held in Berlin, Germany, under Adolf Hitler, were a massive propaganda event for the Nazi regime. Berlin had been awarded the Games in 1931, before the Nazis came to power, but once Hitler assumed control in 1933, the regime quickly recognized the event’s potential to promote National Socialism, the ideology organizing the establishment of totalitarian monopoly capitalism, a system of corporate state control (fascism) not unlike the present-day system being mapped over the world. The Nazis spared no expense in preparing for the Olympics, constructing new facilities like the Reich Sports Field and the iconic Olympic Stadium, all designed to impress visitors and showcase German efficiency and prosperity. (I have published several essays on the contemporary problem of fascism. I have an essay pending on the transhistorical and corporate elements of fascism and their relationship to the European Union. I will provide links to several of these essays there. Stay tuned.)
The 1936 Berlin Olympics introduced the traditions of the torch relay from Olympia, Greece, to the host country.
The regime aimed to demonstrate the supposed superiority of the Aryan race through athletic excellence and efficient organization, ostensibly to bolster national pride and international prestige. More fundamentally, spectacle and personification were designed to prepare mass consciousness for the new world order Hitler envisioned, an order based on corporate statism. The Games provided an opportunity for the regime to soften and sublimate its radical social policies to create a facade of normalcy. The opening ceremony was indeed a grand spectacle, featuring a torch relay from Olympia, Greece, to Berlin, which introduced a tradition that continues to this day. Hitler used the event to present an image of a peaceful, strong, and united Germany. The Nazis skillfully used media, including film and radio, to broadcast the event globally, commissioning filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl to create the documentary “Olympia,” which presented a glorified image of the Games and Nazi Germany.
To understand what happened last night in Paris, I find helpful the insights of Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist theorist (author of the Prison Notebooks), who introduced the concept of “cultural hegemony” to show how dominant groups in society maintain their power not merely through coercion but by manufacturing consent, that is by controlling mass consciousness, a feat enabled by elite control over the sense-making institutions, including the culture industry, educational institutions, mass media, progressional associations, and regulatory agencies. Cultural hegemony refers to the domination of a culturally diverse society by the ruling class, who manipulate the culture of that society—the beliefs, explanations, perceptions, values—so that their worldview becomes the accepted cultural norm, the new social logic, or common sense. Ironically, Gramsci’s theory, meant to expose how elite domination worked, became the blueprint for elite domination going forward, as corporatists (social democrats) and progressives colonized the sense-making institutions in part using Gramsci’s insights. The opening ceremony of the Paris Olympics was not extraordinary when you understand what is happening to Western Civilization.
Antonio Gramsci
In Gramsci’s view, cultural hegemony is achieved through the institutions that produce and disseminate culture, including education, the media, religion, and, crucially, the family, which is why family relations and the organic beliefs and values that sustain them are the main target of elite propaganda and traditional institutional disruption. Although the praxis of queering space was not an element in Gramsci’s criticism, he would certainly have recognized the praxis as a tactic in a project to disorder common sense. Queering space is the act of overthrowing heteronormativity by disrupting the most basic truths of gender and gender relations and the importance of norms safeguarding children and women. Drag queens in this context represents the practice of “woman-face” where men appropriate feminine stereotypes and exaggerate them to degrade women and emasculate men. The costumes are clownish for a reason: they’re aimed at children. the queer project is essentially pedophilic in character. This is what is being mapped over the West. It’s why public school classrooms are festooned in Pride Progress propaganda, etc.
Transnational corporate capitalism, characterized by the globalization of markets and the concentration of economic power in multinational corporations, has extended this hegemony on a global scale and, with it, established cultures of futility and perversion intentionally designed to confuse and disorganize the masses, undermine the family, and take control over individuals. These corporations wield commanding influence over global institutions such as the World Health Organization (WHO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the United Nations (UN), which play pivotal roles in shaping economic policies, health guidelines, and political decisions that affect billions of people worldwide. Professional associations, such as the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH), its mission to promote the medical-industrial project of producing simulated sexual identities through body modification euphemized as “transgender health,” depend on the successful disordering of social logics organic to the species to accumulate ever more power and privilege.
The people must see what they see and resist the woke mind virus. Global institutions, ostensibly created to promote international cooperation and development, exist to serve the interests of the global corporate elite. The policies advocated by these institutions reflect the priorities of transnational corporations and wealthy nations, leading to economic practices that exacerbate inequalities and entrench corporate power. For example, structural adjustment programs imposed by the IMF and World Bank require countries to adopt neoliberal economic policies, such as austerity and the deconstruction of democratic governance structures, which benefit transnational corporations at the expense of local economies and governments. Today, austerity and antidemocratic machinations have been come standard operations. This is the function of climate hysteria and pandemic preparedness. All these institutions embrace and project the elite queer project, which is being pressed into the rest of society across institutions private and public. The spectacle of last night’s opening ceremony was a high-profile moment to push the agenda even deeper into mass consciousness, to make paraphilias appear popular and normal.
The media, as part of the broader culture industry, plays a crucial role in maintaining cultural hegemony. Owned and controlled by a small number of powerful conglomerates, the media shapes public perception by framing issues, selecting what news to report, and how to report it. This concentration of media ownership limits the diversity of viewpoints and reinforces the dominant capitalist ideology. News outlets and entertainment media propagate narratives that support consumerism and the legitimacy of the corporate state, while marginalizing or vilifying alternative perspectives, including populism and substantive critiques of corporate power and authoritarian governments. As outrage was expressed across the West at the mocking of Christianity, the media’s role was to reframe it as exceptional and playful.
The opening ceremony included imagery recalling the Reign of Terror, Jacobin excesses that swept away the ancien regime and helped prepared the way for the New Aristocracy of the transnational corporatist order
What the world saw last night was the work of the culture industry. Cultural hegemony works in realm of beliefs and values. Hollywood, popular music, social media platforms (X excluded), television—the culture industry portrays traditional institutions such as Christianity and the family in a negative light, while elevating the perversions of gender ideology. This can be seen as part of a broader effort to undermine these institutions’ authority and replace them with values that align more closely with corporate interests, such as bureaucratic collectivism and technocratic control. By mocking or devaluing traditional family relations and religious beliefs, the culture industry contributes to a cultural environment where the corporate worldview is normalized, and alternatives are marginalized. It replaces the family with the corporation and the old religion with the neoreligion of gender ideology and other postmodernist notions.
What is the New World Order? It’s a globalized world where national boundaries are effectively erased, and economic and political power is concentrated in the hands of a world elite who control all sense-making institutions. It’s not a conspiracy. It isn’t a Jewish cabal. It is right in front of you if you only open them and see it for what it is. Fully integrating populations of the world into the new order is facilitated by the establishment of cultural hegemony which is mean to close your eyes to all it. Through corporate media, the culture industry and transnational institutions, the global elite promote values that support their interests at the expense of democratic governance, local cultures, and national sovereignty. Because the nation-state system is dependent upon the Judeo-Christian traditions and Enlightenment principles from which it emerged to sustain its integrity, those traditions and principles must be destroyed.
But we can stop it if we understand and organize against it. Gramsci’s concept of cultural hegemony provides a powerful framework for understanding how transnational corporate capitalism maintains its dominance in the contemporary world. The corporatists certainly understood that, and used the man’s work, penned in a prison cell in Mussolini’s Fascist Italy, to mastermind their long march through the institutions. By controlling global institutions and shaping cultural and moral narratives, the transnational corporate elite perpetuate a system that serves their interests while marginalizing alternative viewpoints and undermining traditional institutions. Understanding cultural hegemony is crucial if are to challenge and promote instead a more free and just world, a world governed by democratic-republic values in the context of a system of sovereign nation-states ordered by classical liberal values.
Over on X, Colin Rugg has identified five big lies that the media is telling in a comprehensive effort to rewrite history. These are worth sharing and elaborating with facts, which I will add here. There are more lies than these five, and there will be more lies forthcoming, so we need to become hyperaware of the Democratic Party-corporate media fog machine. Here’s Rugg’s tweet:
REPORT: The media is currently rewriting history in an effort to help the Harris campaign.
Here are 5 hoaxes the media has launched in the past week.
5. CBS claims Trump is lying by saying Harris donated to Minnesota Freedom Fund, bailing out “dangerous criminals” during the… pic.twitter.com/HEjlJnE8Kx
The first big lie is that Kamala Harris was never border czar. What is happening here is a paradigm of historical revisionism and memory-holing. The media spent the past week scrubbing and revising their own reports since 2021 that Kamala was in charge of the border. I have already shared with you clear evidence that makes it absolutely clear that Harris was the border czar—still is, as far as I now. Obviously, she has utterly failed in her assigned task. At one point, Harris even admitted never going to border. Her rationalization? “I haven’t been to Europe, either.” Way to bolster one’s bona fides.
Here Harris confirms that President Biden asked her to be the Border Czar
The second big lie is that Harris was not a DEI pick for Vice President. I went back through the record this morning. The record makes clear that Harris was absolutely a DEI pick. In March 2020, President Biden vowed that he would pick a woman. By at least June, those around Biden were pressuring him to make that woman a black woman. In July, Biden said he had a group of four black women from which he would make his pick. In August, he picked Harris. This is what DEI is: choosing people not based on the accomplishments, qualifications, and talents, but on the basis of gender and race. (Biden did the same thing with Ketanji Jackson for the Supreme Court.)
Here’s what I don’t understand (I do understand, but for rhetorical effect…). If DEI is so great, if this is why it exists, then why would anybody deny that a person is a DEI pick or hire? Wouldn’t they celebrate the success of the project? This is a common tactic with progressives. They want DEI, the practical expression of their identitarian worldview, but if you talk about what DEI actually involves, then they accuse of you of “racism.” They do the same thing on the trans issue. They talk about the importance of trans rights, but when you talk about what that actually entails, for example, transgressing child safeguarding norms, or, for another example, the trampling of women’s rights, they accuse you of “transphobia.” These are thought-stopping cliches. They smear you to silence you. I get it all the time and they can just fuck off with that shit.
Third, JD Vance had sex with a couch. Have you heard this one? (I will spare you the details, but if you are interested, go here.) Bizarre, I know, but there are no depths to which Democrats and progressives won’t sink. The rumor was that Vance told the story in his 2016 memoir, Hillbilly Elegy. There is no such story in the book. This didn’t happen. To be honest, I am not sure it matters if it had. Puberty is hard. The struggle is real. Some boys will fuck anything. But Vance isn’t a couch-fucker, so if you accuse him of it, you would be wrong. However, it’s a weird rumor for progressives to spread given that they insist on curating obscene children’s books for public school libraries that go well beyond couch-fucking. Indeed, had Vance been a Democrat, his couch-fucking technique might have been included in sex education curriculum (maybe add a butt plug to the story).
Jill Biden on the cover of Vogue
Fourth, President Biden dropped out of the race to save democracy. We all watched this unfold in real time. That’s not what happened. It is well known that Biden refused to drop out of the race. Like many Democrats, Biden doesn’t know how bad off he is. His wife, Jill, who serves as his nurse and minder, has been his enabler-in-chief (she is on the cover of Vogue). The reality is that Biden was forced out by top Democrats and donors who threaten to withhold money from the campaign and even invoke the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. What we witnessed was a coup that replaced Biden with a DEI pick. Turns out, the Democratic Party is not very democratic (of course, we knew that from the 2008 and 2016 primaries).
Fifth, CBS claims Trump is lying by saying Harris donated to Minnesota Freedom Fund, a fund that was bailing out individuals accused of serious crimes during the George Floyd riots. The fact is that Harris promoted the fund on X and encouraged people to donate. She did a lot more than that, as you will remember. She encouraged the rioters on many occasions. She even called Jacob Blake, a Kenosha man who tried to knife police officers during a crime in progress, and praised him (Unacceptable: Evers and Biden Inflame Insurrectionist Passions). The crime? He was kidnapping children.
An update on the attempt to revise the history of the assassination attempt on Trump (see FBI Director Feeds Narrative Questioning True Facts About Assassination Attempt), The New York Times published an article today reporting that “a detailed analysis of bullet trajectories, footage, photos and audio by The New York Times strongly suggests Mr. Trump was grazed by the first of eight bullets fired by the gunman, Thomas Crooks. Subsequent bullets wounded two rally goers and killed a third.” That’s what I said from the beginning (see They Tried to Kill Donald Trump Yesterday).
Kamala Harris proposes a regime of "equity" based on a simple principle: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs. This should sound familiar.pic.twitter.com/PO6vUSrJ5m
— Christopher F. Rufo ⚔️ (@realchrisrufo) July 25, 2024
Christopher Rufo deals in oversimplifications (he’s not dimwitted like James Lindsay, though), but he gets shit done and there’s a very real problem here. If you want to understand Harris’ worldview, then watch this collection of video clips Rufo shares in the above tweet (original to End Wokeness, an X profile I recommend you follow). Harris is telling you what’s in store for you and your family in these clips. She defines “equity” not as accounting for difference for equal opportunity’s sake (for example, keeping women’s sports for women). She means making everybody equal in outcome—despite the obvious fact that we are all different.
AI generated
Harris wants to be your Handicapper General. Have you heard that name before? I am about to arm you with some potent weaponry against the collectivists if you haven’t. Find Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.’s 1961 short story “Harrison Bergeron” and read it. Here, I will make it easy for you—just follow the link. I will also tell you about F.A. Hayek’s 1944 The Road to Serfdom and his 1960 The Constitution of Liberty. We have to make sure to use our vote in the most effective way to keep this woman out of office. You think Biden was bad; this woman will be an unmitigated disaster for free people everywhere.
In The Road to Serfdom, Hayek argues that central economic planning and government control over the economy inevitably lead to totalitarianism and the erosion, even erasure of individual freedoms. He warns that well intentioned efforts to achieve economic equality and social justice through extensive state intervention result in a loss of democracy and personal liberty. Have you heard? The road to hell is paved with good intentions.
Hayek contends that economic freedom is the foundation of personal and political freedom, and that decentralized decision making and open markets are the best safeguards against the dangers of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. Hayek doesn’t object to social security and other interventions and programs to help and protect the vulnerable. He rejects the centralization of power in the hands of the corporate state, in administrative rule, and technocratic control—the very things Harris and her ilk seek. In other words, Hayek foresaw the emergence of the high-tech estate system of the coming neo-feudalism (hence the book’s name). No doubt Hayek’s book influenced Vonneguts’ 1961 story.
I assign my students a summary of The Road to Serfdom to read in my Freedom and Social Control class. It’s the second thing I ask them to put their eyes on—right after “Harrison Bergeron.” I also assign a chapter from Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty. Perhaps it is this book that really got Vonnegut thinking (probably both). (After those three words, I have them read Marx and Engels The Communist Manifesto, the forward to which was penned by yours truly.)
Whereas The Road to Serfdom is a polemic, The Constitution of Liberty is Hayek’s comprehensive treatise on the principles of a free society. He emphasizes the importance of the individual liberty, limited government, and the rule of law, with an emphasis on equal treatment.
Hayek argues that real liberty is freedom from coercion and that it is best preserved through a system of general rules that apply equally to all individuals. He critiques collectivist and interventionist policies, advocating instead for a framework where individuals are free to pursue their own goals within the parameters of a legal structure that protects private property and voluntary exchange. The book emphasizes the value of classical liberalism in fostering human flourishing. He’s right.
See, when you’re told that these leftwing maniacs are liberals, they are misdirecting you by misusing words. They want you to think that liberalism is a form of collectivism. Then you won’t want it and, by rejecting it, you reject the very thing that will liberate you and your family. Harris is not a liberal. She is in fact profoundly illiberal. Harris is a progressive. Progressivism is the authoritarian ideology of the corporate state, what Sheldon Wolin called “inverted totalitarianism,” which operates via a mass control strategy called “managed democracy.”
Which reminds me. There is one more Hayek book that should be on your “must read” list: The Fatal Conceit, published in 1988. Here, Hayek critiques the fundamental assumptions and ideological foundations of socialism, arguing that the hubris of socialist thinkers lies in their belief that they can design and control complex societies through centralized planning and the command economy. By dismissing the importance of culture and tradition, and the decentralized nature of knowledge, socialism inevitably leads to inefficiencies and the erosion of individual liberties. Once more, Hayek provides us with a powerful defense of classical liberalism and a warning against the dangers of collectivist praxis.
Democrats and the corporate media go on about “the threat to democracy” presented by Donald Trump and the “MAGA extremists” who represent the second coming of fascism. In fact, it’s the other way around. Kamala Harris and the progressive left, if allowed to prevail in November, will continued the managed decline of the American republic and the consolidation of political and economic power in the hands of the transnational corporate elite. They are building a world neofeudal order and your role is to be that of a serf. We have to stop it at the ballot box. Talk to your friends and family. Make sure they understand what’s at stake. Then vote like your life depended on it. Because it does. For without freedom, there is no life worth living.
* * *
In local news (the authoritarian rot is at all levels): “Mayor [Eric] Genrich broke state and federal laws and violated the Constitutional rights of numerous citizens. His actions were so egregious that a federal court took the rare step of stripping Mayor Genrich of qualified immunity,” Senate Majority Leader Devin LeMahieu said in a statement.
A statement from LeMahieu says the settlement includes a payment of 200 thousand dollars from the City to cover legal fees and a public statement from Mayor Genrich indicating that he will not illegally record citizens in City Hall again. LeMahieu says the Mayor’s actions have cost the City of Green Bay more than 500 thousand dollars.
What an authoritarian little shit this mayor is. On top of his violation of the privacy rights of those he claims to represent, he flies the Pride Progress flag over City Hall in clear violation of the First Amendment (see City of Green Bay Violates the First Amendment and Flying Pride Again—Or Are They?). Democrats have no respect for civil liberties. At all.
I will be brief. Christopher Wray, director of the FBI, is feeding the narrative questioning elements of the attempt on President Donald Trump’s life. In testimony before the House Judiciary Committee, under questioning from Congressman Jim Jordan, Wray said, “I think with respect to the former President Trump, there’s some question about whether or not it’s a bullet or shrapnel that hit his ear.” For those readers who may not have been paying attention, there was an attempt made on President Trump’s life on July 13 during a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania. Had he not turned his head to refer to a chart behind him he would have been struck in the temple by an assassin’s bullet. Now the director of the FBI is raising doubts that the President was struck by a bullet.
It was surprising to hear Wray say this in light of the fact that The New York Times published a photograph of the bullet and the sequence of events documenting the fact of that bullet passing the President in the exact trajectory of the wound, the President’s reaction to being struck thus confirming the timing, and his hand with blood on it in the immediate aftermath confirming the presence of a wound—all of this occurring before quickly dropping to the ground to avoid being struck by more bullets. As the Timesreported, Michael Harrigan, a retired FBI special agent, said the image captured by Doug Mills, a New York Times photographer, seems to show a bullet streaking past former Trump. Indeed.
Doug Mills, a New York Times photographer, captures the bullet that struck President Trump on July 13, 2024 at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania.Mills captures the sequence of events establishing the fact that the president was struck by a bullet.
Wray confirmed what I already told readers about the number of shots Crooks fired in the span of six seconds. Eight cartridges were recovered from the roof from where the sniper fired the bullets. There were other details readers might find interesting (such as the ladder Crooks purchased that was not recovered from the scene and the presence of three explosive devices and a remote detonator). I may return over the news several weeks with an essay about the shooting, but I am waiting for more details. (See They Tried to Kill Donald Trump Yesterday.)
I want to close here with a few observations. First, whether Trump was hit by a bullet or shrapnel, or whether he was struck at all, doesn’t change the reality that an attempt was made on his life and the significance of Crooks actions and the failures of the Secret Service and local police. It doesn’t change the fact that a man was murdered and two others seriously injured. It is concerning that a narrative raising doubts about what hit the president is being used to raise doubts about the event itself and that Wray is feeding the narrative by using the weight of his authority to echo the doubts.
Because Democrats have suddenly rediscovered their love for law enforcement, they believe Wray’s questioning legitimizes their narrative about the event. If one is objective, then he knows that Wray is part of the Deep State, an apparatus that has been hellbent on delegitimizing Trump for eight years. Many of you are familiar with the many elements of the campaign: Trump is a Putin agent. Hunter Biden’s laptop is Russian disinformation. The 2020 presidential election was the most secure election in history. Joe Biden is sharp as a tack. And so on. That we don’t know what hit Trump’s ear is yet another establishment attempt gaslight the public. (See The Lies of the Corporate State Are Functional to Its Ends. See also Progressives Losing Their Shit Over the Attempt on Trump’s Life.)
Second, polls indicate that a third of Democrats wish the shooter hadn’t missed, while another third believe the shooting was staged. Supposing these two-thirds are not significantly overlapping, that means that a large majority of Democrats are either extremists or crazy.
Finally, I find suspicious the change in norm in how to address a former President where now a former president is referred to as such. It used to be that those who achieved the highest office in the federal government were referred to as “President” regardless of whether they currently serve in that position or not. This is a general rule and applies to other offices as well. It is convention is to refer to a dignitary by the last or highest office achieved. This tradition stems from a sense of respect and recognition of their service. This practice honors the significant role they played as the nation’s leader. For example, Bill Clinton is still commonly referred to as “President Clinton” or “Mister President” even though he is no longer in office. Similarly, individuals who have held other high offices, such as governors, senators, or ambassadors, are often addressed by their last or highest title. For instance, a former governor is often called “Governor [Last Name]” rather than “former governor” or “ex-governor.” Nikki Haley is referred to as “Ambassador Haley.” Etcetera.
I have followed convention whether I like the dignitary or not, and it strikes me that the deviation from the convention in this case is to manufacture the reflex that Trump is a lesser former President than other former Presidents. You may believe Trump to be a lesser figure, but it is not appropriate for the FBI director to engage in the partisan politics this deviation indicates.
The construct “transphobia,” like “Islamophobia,” is a propaganda term and ad hominem tactic designed to delegitimize criticisms of an ideology, in the case of transphobia, trans activism and so-called gender affirming care or GAC. While “homophobia” is itself an objectionable term because, like all constructions of its sort, it pathologizes antigay bigotry, it is not a propaganda term in the same sense, albeit a much better term for this phenomenon exists, namely heterosexism, better since antigay discrimination operates much the same way as does sexism.*
By hitching its wagon to the gay and lesbian rights movement, trans activists accuse those critical of the doctrine and the destructive practices of the medical-industrial complex not only of “transphobia,” but also of “homophobia.” I have been hit with this smear despite a lifetime of advocacy for gay and lesbian rights. For this reason, that smear concerns me more than the smear of transphobia. In fact, the latter smear doesn’t really concern me much at all, certainly no more than the smear of Islamophobia, which I have also experienced given my strident opposition to Islamic doctrine and practices. I make no apologies for my criticisms of gender ideology (or Islam). And the smear of homophobia (like the smear of racism), cannot be reasonably applied to me.
Beyond term quibbling and pedanticism (while recognizing their importance in clarity of conveyances), it needs to be said loudly and often that gay and trans are qualitatively different things. Gay is behavioral, an objective relation between individuals of the same gender. A man, i.e., an adult male human, is attracted to other men. A woman (an adult female human) is attracted to other women. Such a woman is a lesbian. Trans, on the other hand, is a self-identification indicated by the subjective claims of individual who assert that he is another gender, more than one gender, or no gender at all. All of these claims refer to impossibilities. As a scientific matter, gender is binary and immutable. Even in the case of intersex, or disorders of sexual development, the individual can be only one of two possible genders. A trans woman cannot be lesbian since lesbians are women who are attracted to women and men cannot be women (see Lesbians Don’t Like Penises, So Our Definitions Must Change).
The opinion that gay people should be discriminated against for their behavior is heterosexist, or homophobic. There is no rational reason for restricting sexual behavior between consenting adults whatever their gender. To be sure, there are religious prohibitions, but these should have no purchase in a secular society. Moreover, homosexuality, while not normative, is natural, occurring across mammalian species. However, while a man can engage in sexual relations with another man, a man cannot be or become a woman. No mammal can change genders. If a man believes this about himself, then he wrong. If somebody believes that men should not enter women’s spaces or that doctors should not chemically or surgically modify individuals without valid medical reasons, there is no valid term analogous to heterosexism or homophobia to apply to him. He is not “phobic.” He does not fear and loathe trans identifying persons. He merely accepts reality. He is not a “bigot.” He does not hate or seek to oppress trans identifying persons. He’s may not even be necessarily opposed to a man believing he is a woman. He recognizes that people believe all sorts of things about themselves and about the world that are not true. He himself may believe in gods and devils. Rather, he is critical of the doctrine of gender identity and its harmful results in a way similar to his criticism of Islam or any other religious or quasi-religious system.
The gender critical man is certainly not automatically homophobic. On the contrary. Those who are gender critical are safeguarding gay and lesbian children by criticizing queer doctrine and medical industry practices that groom vulnerable members of society for chemical and surgical alteration of their bodies, to induce them into undertaking at great expense a form of conversion therapy that in the end can only simulate the gender stereotypes others believe the patient’s attitudes and behavior convey (Simulated Sexual Identities: Trans as Bad Copy). What is more, trans activists use deceptive mimicry to trespass upon occupations and spaces exclusive to females; queer praxis is not only about transgressing the norms that safeguard children; trans activists work to transgress the norms that safeguard women, as well (The Queer Project and the Practice of Deceptive Mimicry; Magical Thinking and Perception Management in Gender Ideology’s Imperial Ambitions).
Endnote
* Sexism is the attitude that individuals are validly subject to discrimination, prejudice, and unequal treatment based gender. It manifests in biases, stereotypes, and social norms that perpetuate gender inequalities. These discriminatory practices occur in education, employment, politics, and personal relationships, leading to systemic disadvantages for the affected gender. Likewise, heterosexism is the attitude that individuals are validly subject to discrimination, prejudice, and unequal treatment based on their sexual orientation. It manifests in biases, stereotypes, and social norms that perpetuate sexual orientation inequalities. These discriminatory practices occur in many areas of life, such as employment, education, politics, and personal relationships, leading to systemic disadvantages for those who are not heterosexual.
Gender roles are influenced by the natural sexual division of labor, rooted in biological differences and reproductive necessity. Roles have traditionally been organized around sexual dimorphism, which means that males and females have phenotypic differences that organize themselves into overlapping trait distributions, with men typically undertaking tasks requiring greater physical strength and endurance, such as defense, heavy labor, and hunting, while women often assume roles linked to childbearing and nurturing, such as caregiving, domestic duties, and gathering. This division stems partly from practical considerations of reproductive capacities, as women’s childbearing and breastfeeding functions necessitate proximity to home and offspring.
Stereotypes, the result of typification—the process of categorizing and generalizing (abstracting) individual experiences or entities into broader types based on shared characteristics—is innate and often advantageous. From an evolutionary perspective, the human brain has developed the ability to categorize and simplify complex information as a survival mechanism. This cognitive shortcut, known as heuristics, enables humans to make rapid decisions about resources and social interactions, enhancing their chances of survival, both individually and as a species. By grouping individuals and situations into broad categories, stereotypes reduce cognitive load and allow for more efficient processing of information and a greater likelihood of correct action. To be sure, there is considerable error, for example the risk of type I error. Nonetheless, it is better to presume that the rustling in the bush one hears behind him is an approaching apex predator. Likewise, humans are not always correct about the gender of others; for the most part, the gender detection module is quite reliable and advantageous.
Gender roles in primitive society
While these roles were practical in early human societies, and to in many ways continue to be in modernity, they have also often been rigidly codified into social norms and expectations that lead to gender stereotypes that can limit individual potential and reproduce inequities. Modern societies increasingly recognize the flexibility and shared capabilities of all individuals, regardless of gender, and thus promote a more equitable distribution of social roles and responsibilities. There has been much progress in these efforts.
At the same time, the intrinsic differences that result from natural history remain relevant, as men often exhibit greater athletic prowess due to higher levels of testosterone, muscle mass, and physical strength. This biological predisposition contributes to the overrepresentation of men in physically demanding activities. Additionally, evolutionary factors and social conditioning have led to a higher prevalence of men in violent behaviors and roles associated with aggression and defense, reflecting both historical survival strategies and ongoing societal influences issuing from the sexual dimorphism inherent in the species.
Gender stereotypes vary significantly across cultures and historical periods, shaped by diverse social norms and situations. In the past, culture was predominantly shaped by collective beliefs and practices, reflecting shared values and social organization. Gender stereotypes served as a system of beliefs and practices that helped communities maintain cohesion and stability, emerging from roles individuals assumed based on biological differences and practical needs. Cultural norms surrounding gender roles evolved through consensus and adaptation to local conditions, fostering a diversity of gender expressions across societies.
However, the rise of the culture industry has seen corporations exert significant influence over cultural production, shaping gender stereotypes and societal norms to align with commercial interests rather than community values. This industrial-strength influence, encompassing advertising, entertainment, and media, often perpetuates narrow and superficial portrayals of gender, embedding oversimplified images in societal norms and reinforcing them through repetition. This continuous exposure to stereotypical representations can lead to their internalization, making them seem natural and eternal despite their inaccuracies and irrelevancies. (See Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann’s 1967 The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge for a comprehensive treatment of this dynamic.)
Robert Plant
The freedom for individuals to express themselves in any manner they choose, regardless of gender, is fundamental to human dignity and well-being. Gender expression encompasses behavior, clothing, hairstyle, voice, and other characteristics traditionally associated with masculinity or femininity. Allowing individuals to explore and present themselves authentically fosters a more tolerant and diverse society, challenging outdated elements of gender roles and enriching our cultural landscape. As I have revealed here on Freedom and Reason, coming of age in the 1970s (I graduated high school in 1980), the practice of so called “gender bending” was common place and I participated in it. Moreover, as a rock musician on the 1980s, makeup and traditional women’s clothing were a major element in stage presentation. I participated in that as well.
Beyond the queer politics of gender expression understood in terms of “identity,” the evolution of gender expression more broadly in modern societies reflects a dynamic shift towards greater individual freedom and diversity. Today, women comfortably embrace fashion traditionally associated with masculinity, such as wearing pants, minimal makeup, and sporting short hair, challenging old stereotypes and asserting their right to express themselves however they wish. Similarly, men’s fashion has also seen significant transformation, influenced by popular culture movements since the 1960s, again, seen in music genres like hard rock, where long hair, makeup, and more effeminate clothing remain commonplace. This cultural evolution underscores a broader acceptance of fluidity and diversity in gender presentation, breaking away from rigid norms imposed by traditional gender roles.
Source: iStock
Perhaps, like me, the reader sees a paradox in all this. How is it that talk about fashion in terms gender presentation confuses gender in terms of biology with the social roles organized around it, as well as with the expression of gender stereotypes? This confusion is intentional. Consider the trans woman who presents in a stereotypically feminine manner to pass socially (if this is the intent rather than autogynephilic desire)? Is this not a limiting construct, one reinforcing narrow definitions of womanhood? Why should the man who wishes to be woman look like exaggerated culture industry expression of femininity? These expectations have been subject of feminist critique, which advocates for freedom from restrictive gender norms and the right of individuals to define their gender identity and expression on their own terms, free from the pressures of societal stereotypes.
From the gender critical standpoint, one of the primary critiques of gender ideology and gender-affirming care is that it reinforces gender stereotypes rather than liberates individuals from them. Feminism has long fought for the recognition that a woman’s worth and identity are not defined by traditional markers of femininity such as wearing makeup, donning dresses, or possessing certain physical attributes like large breasts. The biological reality of being a woman, feminists argue, does not necessitate adherence to culturally and historically contingent standards of femininity. Therefore, a woman can express herself in a myriad of ways that do not conform to stereotypical gender norms, yet she remains unequivocally a woman due to her biology.
In contrast, the gender critical perspective views trans women’s pursuit of traditionally feminine appearances—such as wearing makeup, dresses, seeking feminized facial features, and enhanced breasts—as an embodiment of traditionally stereotypical femininity or stereotypes constructed by the culture industry. This reliance on external markers of gender identity contradicts the feminist objective of detaching womanhood from these very stereotypes. Furthermore, the assertion that gender identity is valid regardless of anatomy introduces a paradox: if a woman can have a penis, as gender ideology claims, why must a trans woman adopt stereotypically feminine traits to be recognized as a woman?
Beyond the fallacy of gender identity as an innate and internal subjective sense of one’s gender, focus on external transformation to align with gender identity reinforces of the very stereotypes that feminists have sought to dismantle. In this view, gender affirming care, which includes medical and surgical interventions to achieve a more traditionally feminine or masculine appearance, perpetuates the notion that adhering to these stereotypes is necessary for one’s “true gender identity” to be recognized and validated (affirmed). Since the many and most fundamental differences between men and women cannot be erased through gender affirming care, the practices associated with the practice result not in an actual transition to different genders but in simulated sexual identities that reify gender stereotypes.
Seeking feminized or masculinized features through gender affirming care perpetuates culturally, historically, and commercially bound notions of what it means to be a woman or a man. By emphasizing external markers of gender, such as fashion, makeup, or physical traits like breasts, gender-affirming care realizes these stereotypes in the form of an altered body. This, from the gender critical perspective, is contrary to feminist aims of liberating individuals from restrictive gender norms imposed by the patriarchy. The practice of aligning one’s external appearance with their imagined gender identity (imagined because identity is not what a thing thinks of itself but what it is in fact) is viewed as a reification of gender stereotypes, solidifying abstract and arbitrary things as concrete and necessary components of one’s gender identity.
“I believe in the United States of America as a government of the people, by the people, for the people; whose just powers are derived from the consent of the governed; a democracy in a republic; a sovereign Nation of many sovereign States; a perfect union, one and inseparable; established upon those principles of freedom, equality, justice, and humanity for which American patriots sacrificed their lives and fortunes. I therefore believe it is my duty to my country to love it, to support its Constitution, to obey its laws, to respect its flag, and to defend it against all enemies.” —William Tyler Page, The American Creed
The bureaucracies of secular institutions are not obliged to provide for their employees moral instruction. This role properly belongs to familial and religious institutions. In public institutions in America, employers are prohibited from requiring their employees to undergo moral instruction. This is because, believing that in a free society matters of conscience should be freely chosen, the Founders of the American Republic institutionalized the separation of church and state.
The United States Bill of Rights guarantees American citizens freedom of religion, i.e., conscience, speech and press, which allow for the free expression of opinion and sharing of information, assembly and association, privacy, and the presumption of innocence. An American citizen is free to believe or not believe in moral doctrines adopted by administrators and managers; administrators and managers are allow to personally hold and express any doctrine; they’re not allow to compel others to hold and express the same. A man is free to utter or not utter moral slogans. He is free to attend or not attend courses of moral instruction—whatever the content. However, secular institution should take care not to make employees feel compelled to attend any such course of instruction due to peer pressure. And, following from principle, such courses should not exist in public institutions. A man has a right to keep his views to himself; he should never be questioned about his beliefs. He is presumed innocent of whatever offense administrators suppose he committed unless they have evidence and the inquisition is legitimate; to compel him to receive moral instruction on the grounds that he is a priori guilty of not subscribing to the moral code his employers wish he did is contrary to the principles of a free society. So is the act of compelling him to think and speak in the language of a code—whether he subscribes to it or not.
American society has allowed the tyranny of moral instruction in public institutions to occur for far too long. Today, and for some time now, secular institutions and organizations in the West have imposed upon their employees a moral code known as diversity, equity, and inclusion, or DEI. DEI seeks a normative framework ostensibly designed to foster a more diverse, inclusive, and fair environment within organizations and society’s institutions. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing and valuing diverse backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives, aiming to create an environment where everyone feels respected and has equal opportunities. DEI initiatives purport to address systemic biases and inequities, promoting equitable access to resources and opportunities while fostering a sense of belonging for all individuals, which it does by excluding opinions and viewpoints it claims undermine that sense of belonging. DEI encompass policies, practices, and programs that support underrepresented or marginalized groups, aiming to dismantle barriers to inclusion and ensure fair treatment for all. You may find all this appealing. You may have a moral argument about why this is important. Others may not. They may reject the premise of the argument.
DEI is diametrically opposed to the American creed of colorblindness and the foundational ethic of individuality set down by the framers of the Republic; DEI demands instead that employees engage with others in ways that acknowledge and respect their unique identities rather than disregarding them. At the heart of this moral philosophy, what is known as identitarianism, DEI requires employees to recognize that each individual’s background, culture, and experiences shape their perspective and sense of self. By interacting with others in terms of their identity, employees are conscripted into a project of validating the lived experiences of others and affirm their value within the community. DEI asks employees to move beyond superficial acceptance and actively engage with and appreciate the diverse characteristics each person brings, the focus being not what a person brings to the enterprise, not on merit or talent, but who they are and how they feel. The goal is to foster deeper understanding, mutual respect, and a more inclusive environment where everyone feels seen and valued for who they “truly” are, for their “authentic self,” and make them “feel welcome”—and “safe.” In other words, DEI is a moral system, a system very much akin to religion, clashes with the American creed. Employees are conscripted into project to negate the American creed through the practice of the identitarian creed.
Because people often find paradoxes when there are none, I want to stress that the argument here is not about advocating for the teaching of the American creed, but rather recognizing it as an ethical and legal framework presumed to be in force within public institutions. This framework, grounded in principles of colorblindness and equality, is a settled matter—unless the Bill of Rights is repealed. Additionally, it is important to acknowledge that in a society shaped by a long history of immigration, numerous creeds coexist but in the ideologically-neutral sphere of the American creed. The American creed operates by ensuring equal treatment for all individuals, regardless of race, religion, or personal belief systems. This foundational principle is what enables diverse creeds to be respected and upheld. It is precisely through the application of the American creed that individuals are treated equally, irrespective of their distinct identities. Far from being a paradox, this reflects the American creed in action.
The American creed functions as a negative force in institutions, acting as a safeguard that prevents employees from being indoctrinated by the positive force of other ideologies. The creed is assumed in the operational framework of public institutions, ensuring that individuals are free from the imposition of any particular moral or ideological system. Similar to the distinction between “negative liberty,” which refers to the freedoms individuals enjoy from government interference, and “positive liberty,” which encompasses the conditions necessary for personal success, the American creed ensures freedom from the arbitrary moral systems imposed by public employers. It protects individuals by maintaining a framework where personal beliefs and identities are respected without mandating conformity to specific ideologies. This negative liberty inherent in the American creed upholds the principle that public institutions should not impose particular ideological views on their employees, thereby preserving individual autonomy and freedom. Upon reflection, it may seem bizarre that DEI was ever allowed in the first place. However, what lies behind the systematic violation of basic rights DEI represents is the emergence of the corporate state and the progressive negation of democratic-republicanism and classical liberal principle.
Therefore, in the context of enhanced political consciousness, this is an ideal moment to time to remember what the American creed entails. The American creed refers to the set of core values and beliefs that define the national identity and ethos of the United States. It encompasses principles such as equality, individualism, initiative, liberty, meritocracy, representative democracy, and the rule of law, with emphasis of equality before the law and equity where there are actual group differences. Rooted in foundational documents like the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution (with its Bill of Rights), the American Creed emphasizes the inherent rights of individuals to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It underscores the idea that all people are created equal and should have equal opportunities to succeed. It does not, however, guarantee equal outcomes; nor does it treat individuals as concrete personifications of abstract demographic categories.
The creed serves as a guiding framework for American society, promoting the ideals of justice, freedom, and civic responsibility. Everything about DEI flies in the face of the values of the American creed. In contrast, DEI focuses on recognizing and valuing the unique backgrounds, experiences, and identities of individuals within a community or organization, and even beyond this, as employers concern themselves with the moral lives of their employees out in the world. When a public institution disciplines or punishes an employee for a comment on social media, this is an instantiation of imposition of a moral framework the First Amendment prohibits. DEI ostensibly seeks to address and dismantle implicit biases and systemic inequities that allegedly harm marginalize or underrepresented groups. It presumes that such implicit biases and systemic inequities exist, and it needs all employees to agree that the premise necessitating intervention is true. In other words, you are not only required to participate in the ritual, you must accept the truth of the doctrine.
Crucially, then, for DEI to exist as an industry, it must imagine the problems it means to solve. It must imagine that the world is organized around a hierarchy that lifts cis-gendered, heterosexual, male, white Christians and Jews to the top of the pyramid, while putting and keeping queer, homosexual, Muslim, nonwhite, and female persons, at a disadvantage. If an employee doesn’t believe the imagined hierarchy of oppression, then he is a heretic, a status labeled variously “bigot,”“homophobe,” “Islamophobe,” “racist,” “sexist,” “transphobe,” etc. The side that labels him these things is presumed to be the legitimate side. Without any democratic process and in the face of individual right, an ideology became institutionalized, enforced by an army of bureaucrats and clerics. Those who work in the DEI industry exclusively train for their roles in the administration of the doctrine. They have careers they expect to work at over their lifetimes. Because they have the training, they have the wisdom; they are the righteous who tell others what to believe and punish them when they don’t accept the doctrine or practice the ritual.
Just like the church that must always exist to save the wretched from their transgression, identified by the terms of the doctrine, since the raison d’être of DEI is solving the problems of various original sins, i.e., the legacies of chattel slavery, compulsory heterosexuality, patriarchy, and so on, the resolution of which, falling under the purview of representative government having been substantively addressed, albeit denied by doctrine, DEI will always find problems to solve by defining problems into existence, problems that will by said to issue from the imagined hierarchy of oppression. Thus, at the core of the project is the belief that the problems DEI is charged with solving have no ultimate solutions. These problems can’t have solutions, since that would mean the industry goes away. The personal investment in doctrine is obvious; one’s career is advanced by “identifying” problems, i.e., by manufacturing them. We see this also in the area of Pride, where, having achieved the goals of the gay and lesbian rights movement, those same organizations (for example, in the United States, the Human Rights Campaign) perpetuated themselves into the future by manufacturing the trans rights cause.
To be sure, we need a new government in Washington DC that move to make the incorporation of the Bill of Rights even more robust. We will need new governments at the state level, as well. But the imposition of doctrine on public employees won’t finally go away until we resist the very premise upon which it moves: the imagined hierarchy of oppression grifters encourage people to step into. We have to reassert the American creed as our guide and insist on all the protections of the constitutional republic. We need to demand a society that recognizes across its institutions the foundational principles of democracy, equality, individualism, initiative, liberty, meritocracy, and equality before the law as articulated in the nation’s founding documents and in judicial rulings. We have to demand recognition of the inherent rights of individuals, the notion that all people are created equal, and insure equal opportunities for success.
Whereas the rhetoric of social justice is the illiberal expression of the corporate state, the American Creed promotes civic responsibility, freedom, and justice, universal principles that apply to all citizens, without explicitly addressing the specific needs and identities of diverse groups—and even more than this: prohibiting the fetishization of identity from affecting the advancement of any given individual. In short, the managed decline of the American Republic must be stopped.
My fellow Democrats, I have decided not to accept the nomination and to focus all my energies on my duties as President for the remainder of my term. My very first decision as the party nominee in 2020 was to pick Kamala Harris as my Vice President. And it’s been the best… pic.twitter.com/x8DnvuImJV
After sustained and vigorous pressure from his party, Joe Biden, the greatest vote-getter in US electoral history, the “sharp as a tack” octogenarian, the winner of the 2024 primary season, will neither accept the nomination of his party nor seek re-election in 2024. He has endorsed Vice-President Kamala Harris to be the party’s new standard-bearer. Biden will finish his term, though, which raises an important question to my mind: if Biden is not fit to run (or stand trial), how is he fit to remain president?
Joe Biden leaves the race
I want to take a moment to reflect on Biden’s historic 2020 election. His record 81.3 million votes was especially astonishing given that he was obviously senile and rarely left his basement to campaign. To put those 81.3 million votes in perspective, George Bush won 62 million votes in 2004; Barack Obama won 69.5 million votes on 2008 and 66 million in 2012. Trump won 63 million votes in 2016. Biden won 81.3 million votes. Right. That happened.
In 2020, Trump received 74 million votes—the most legitimate votes of any president in history (maybe more, if machine vote flipping occurred). But he’s not popular, we’re told. Look at the suppression polls. How did Trump ever win in the first place? How will he ever win again (presuming he will make it to Election Day alive)?
If it’s Hillary Clinton again she, then will need more than the 66 million votes she won in 2016. And she will have to figure out a way to carry the states she lost in that election (because Biden didn’t win them). But, for now, Clinton has endorsed Kamala Harris (so has her husband, the former two-term president). So has Biden. Will Obama? Or will whomever is the Democrat nominee get 80-plus million votes this time?
Imagine our situation today had Trump been reelected in 2020 with his mandate of 74 million votes. We’d be entering the homestretch of his presidency. He’d be a young 78 years old. No war in Ukraine. Peace in the Middle East. A weakened China. A pacified Iran. Secure borders. A booming economy with low inflation and interest rates and rising wages. Strong public safety. All those who hate all those things would be looking at only a few more months of Trump (and Mike Pence would not be the successor). Now they’re looking at four more years of Trump.
In some ways, it’s better Trump lost in 2020. In the meantime, a plan has been developed that takes advantage of the opportunity created by the Supreme Court’s overturning of the Chevron deference (Celebrating the End of Chevron). The project is Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, and it is a highly detailed plan to deconstruction the unconstitutional, unelected, and unaccountable administrative state and return to full capacity the original scheme of the Founders (Project 2025: The Boogeyman of the Wonkish; Attempt at an Albatross: The Manufactured Hysteria Over Agenda 2025). The Trump team wasn’t ready for this in 2020. They’re ready now.
And the public should get ready now. With a straight face, the domestic security apparatus reports that the greatest threat of violence comes from the people who are least involved in violence. The people with the most guns (aside from the government) are not the people committing the violence. The greatest threat of violence is from the groups that have committed the most violence over the last many years: Antifa, BLM, Islamophiles, and trans activists, as well as the street gangs of our central cities. These are the groups whom the Democrats encourage and enable. They are the shock-troops of the corporate state.
If the nation doesn’t experience violence during the run-up to the election, it will when Trump is elected 47th President of the United States. Not from MAGA. From the other side. The Democrats will encourage it. The police will be smeared as racists and ordered to stand down. White people who take to the streets to stand up for their republic will be branded “fascists” (they already are). Defending his country makes a white man a white supremacist because his country was founded on it—and thrives on it. Our educational institutions will mobilize armies of counselors to help the triggered through their trauma (that is, trigger the trauma they manufactured). I shutter contemplating the fate of free thinkers in the academy. I have cause to worry for my safety.
We might even get some election denial from the left. It wouldn’t be the first time Democrats disputed an election (2000, 2004, and 2016 are ready examples). Marc Elias and his ilk are already telling us that election integrity is Republican code for rigging. The hypocrisy on the left will be ignored by the corporate media, just as it ignores the hypocrisy of decrying the age of Donald Trump after having lied about Joe Biden’s health for years. Yes, Trump will be like Biden an octogenarian when he leaves office. But, unlike Biden, Trump is a young 78 years old.
The progressive penchant for historical revisionism may be at peak absurdity. Then again, you can never know with progressives. These are people who euphemism the mutilation of children’s genitals as “health care” and anti-white bigotry as “diversity” and “equity.” We’re told that Biden is a patriot who put country before self. The fact is that Biden was forced out the race by his own party. (Putting country before self might look something like sacrificing life and livelihood to represent your country when it needs you.)
Remember the line from George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four: “The Party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command.” New examples of doublethink and the manipulation of historical facts by the regime abound. “Kamala Harris was the Democrat candidate. Kamala Harris has always been the Democrat candidate.” It was a coup. Because that term might feel overused, let me define it for you: A coup involves the overthrow of an existing government or leadership by a small group, often from within the military or other segments of the state apparatus, and is usually carried out with the intent to install a new ruling authority. While coups may not be violent nor involve violations of the law, they do violate democratic norms. In this case, the candidate elected during the primary is no longer the candidate running for office.
But Trump is a threat to Democracy.
Democrats have been telling us that they aren’t voting for a president—they are voting for an administration (now they may be voting for a DEI hire). This was certainly true given that it was obvious that Biden wasn’t actually running the country. However, Republicans can say some similar, for the Republican Party is democratic-republican in character now, which opens the party to liberals, as well as conservatives who are not pro-life and warmongering. It’s a movement. The transformation of the party from a globalist and military project that stitched onto itself Christian conservatism for votes to a big tent populist-nationalist party is nothing less than astonishing.
In a USA Todayop-ed yesterday, on National Ice Cream Day, conservative Dace Potas wrote about how sad he is as he watches other conservatives sacrifice “meaningful stances, such as being anti-abortion, opposing sexual promiscuity and opposing union strangleholds on our economy in the name of winning the election.” Take a moment and savor that. The Republican Party is no longer stridently pro-life, prudish to a fault, and anti-labor. And that’s a bad thing. Where do the busybodies go now? (There are analogs for true believers in the woke-scolding Democratic Party, so conservatives might check that out. See what they can live with.)
Potas is also sad because the Republican Party is going to eschew or at least moderate destructive free market policies and hawkish foreign policy. We are seeing the end of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. Democrats are sad to see this, as well. Of course. After all, neoliberalism and neoconservatism were originally their projects. The Uniparty is collapsing.
We are living through a remarkable historical moment. Now if those around Trump can keep him safe. I suggest he stop shaking hands with people and get a food taster. Maybe avoid crowds, albeit these public events are a barometer of the man’s mass support (whatever you think of him, the man is a rock star). The globalists and warmongers are not just going to stand by and watch as they lose their projects. It’s going to get very dangerous now, not only for the president, but for the country.
“The Party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command. [Winton’s] heart sank as he thought of the enormous power arrayed against him, the ease with which any Party intellectual would overthrow him in debate, the subtle arguments which he would not be able to understand, much less answer. And yet he was in the right! They were wrong and he was right. The obvious, the silly, and the true had got to be defended. Truisms are true, hold on to that! The solid world exists, its laws do not change. Stones are hard, water is wet, objects unsupported fall towards the earth’s centre.”
These words are George Orwell’s. Carry them with you as you go forward in a world where the sense-making institutions of society are determined to gaslight you over the most obvious of truths. Orwell gave you a North Star. You will need rely upon it now more than ever. It is otherwise know as common sense.
freedom and reason 